Ukraine: investments needed to overcome the food security challenge

The Russian unlawful attack on Ukraine in February 2022 and the following blockade of Ukrainian ports have severely affected global grain supply chains. With Ukraine being a major world exporter of corn, wheat, sunflower and barley, it was imperative for the international community to find solutions to get Ukrainian production out of the country in order to ensure global food security. The responses to this issue consisted in the set up of “solidarity lines” by the European Union in May 2022, followed by the implementation of the” Black Sea Grain Initiative” in July after an agreement between Ukraine, Russia and Turkey under the supervision of the United Nations. More than one year after the breaking of the war, this paper aims to evaluate the efficiency of these mechanisms, and to take stock of the dynamics of the Ukrainian grain market.

The European solidarity lanes

In response to Russia’s maritime blockade on Ukrainian ports, the EU mobilised in May 2022 the so-called “solidarity lanes”. The aim was to facilitate the export of Ukraine’s agricultural products to compensate as much as possible for the loss of sea routes.

In practice, it consisted in the search for other ways to export Ukraine’s agricultural products via alternative land routes and EU ports, and the set-up of better transport connections, faster customs operation and new storage on EU territory.
Since its first exports, the solidarity lanes have been able to unblock around 29 million metric tonnes of grain to be exported in the EU by road, rail or vessels using the Danube delta.

In the framework of the solidarity lanes, the EU market has opened to Ukrainian imports, resulting in an unprecedented flow of Ukrainians products to eastern Europe. This sudden and significant influx has created tension locally, as large quantities of grain flown in areas with limited storage capacities (compared to the new needs) and high logistic challenges to be overcome to export them while at the same time storing and transporting local productions. Confronted with this issue that affects the Member States differently in the single market, and having assessed the pressure on local prices from these tensions in the logistical chains from the increased transit of products from Ukraine, the Commission has proposed on 20 March an aid package of €56,3 million for farmers in the most affected countries by a drop of local market prices (Poland, Bulgaria, Romania). The payment is expected by 30 September 2023.

The Black Sea Grain Initiative

The Black Sea Grain Initiative is a mechanism implemented by Turkey, Russia and Ukraine under the United Nations supervision to create a grain corridor in the Black Sea. Signed on 27 July 2022, it allows ships to transport grain from three key Ukrainian ports – Odesa, Chernomorsk and Yuzhny – across the Black Sea after an inspection of the Joint Coordination Centre, a body created in the framework of the agreement. Before its entry into force, it was estimated that 22 million tons of grain were stuck in the Ukrainian ports due to the war.

Originally scheduled to run until November 2022, the agreement was first extended for 120 days before a second extension was announced on 18 March 2023. While the original agreement was supposed to extend the Initiative for another 120 days, Russia unilaterally decided to reduce this period to 60 days, warning that any further extension beyond mid-May would depend on the removal of some Western sanctions.

From its launch to 15 March 2023, the Black Sea Grain Initiative has resulted in the delivery of 927 vessels. Altogether, 45 different countries received over 24 million metric tonnes of grain and foodstuffs through this channel. The detailed country-by-country data can be found in the following table.

Destination countryN° of vessels receivedQuantity of grain exported
(thousands of metric tonnes)
Turkey2052700
Spain1504300
China1055400
Italy991800
The Netherlands391500
Egypt39842
Greece26156
Tunisia25560
Libya22451
Israel22679
Romania17285
Portugal17577
India14412
France13273
Bangladesh12655
Belgium11519
United Kingdom9197
Lebanon871
Germany8354
Ethiopia8203
Algeria8182
Kenya7327
Bulgaria769
Yemen6206
Republic of Korea6326
Indonesia6341
Afghanistan6131
Saudi Arabia4184
Oman386
Marocco336
Viet Nam2117
UAE265
Sri Lanka2104
Somalia254
Ireland260
Iran2126
Djibouti27
Thailand168
Sudan165
Pakistan162
Malaysia14
Jordan15
Japan156
Iraq133
Georgia16
Total EU countries3899 893
Total92724 654

Many third countries have a considerable reliance on Ukrainian grain. Indeed, the countries that have been found to have the highest dependency on Ukrainian and Russian wheat imports, and therefore to be the most vulnerable to these market disruptions, are Somalia (100%), Benin (100%), Laos (94%), Egypt (82%), Sudan (75%), DR Congo (69%), Senegal (66%) and Tanzania (64%). 

Ukraine also accounted for half of the supply of the United Nations World Food Programme before the war.

Share of grain exported in the framework of the Black Sea Grain Initiative (mid-March 2023)

In terms of exported cereals, maize accounts for almost half of the exports. This cereal has always been usually mostly exported to China and the EU (for example, it represented 62% of the maize exported shares in 2021 (USDA)). This explains the weight of these two blocs in the total export share. 

Wheat constitutes a quarter of the exported volume. It is usually exported to developing countries (notably Egypt, Indonesia and Bangladesh). Since the launching of the Black Sea Grain Initiative, two-thirds of the wheat was destined for developing countries, for which it is the most important and most needed food staple, representing 18.1% of the total shipments of the Black Sea Grains Initiative. Furthermore, it allowed the United Nations World Food Programme to restart shipping from Ukrainian ports, and more than 450 000 tonnes of wheat have been shipped to Ethiopia, Yemen, Djibouti, Somalia and Afghanistan.

Data shows that the addition of the implementation of the Black Sea Grain Initiative and of the solidarity lanes initiative has effectively allowed Ukraine’s wheat and corn exports to recover.

Both are necessary to export quantities that are required to answer to world market demand. 

Estimate of the next harvest for 2023-2024

In 2021, the total land sown in spring amounted to 17 million hectares of crops in Ukraine. These pre-war sowings resulted in decent crops in 2022 despite the difficult conditions and loss of land. In contrast, in 2022 around 4 million hectares remained unplanted due to two main factors:

  • Losses of cultivable area due to the occupied territories or the fact that some land is too damaged by hostilities to be cultivated, or too dangerous
  • Poor profitability for producers: the efforts to facilitate the transportation of exports have resulted in higher costs. Exports by truck, rail or barge from the west are expensive, while long inspection times and associated demurrage charges have added significant costs to shipments through Black Sea ports. These costs have been largely absorbed by Ukrainian producers in the form of lower prices. Furthermore, the prices of input have risen, further reducing producers’ profit margins and discouraging them from planting for the coming year.

In result, Ukraine’s grain harvest could decline by 35-40 million tons in 2023, including 12-15 million tons of wheat and 15-17 million tons of corn, according to the Ukrainian Agribusiness Club.

For comparison purposes, the following graph shows Ukrainian maize, wheat and barley production over the last 10 years. 

In the future, wheat supplies for 2023/24 (composed of the year production and the stocks from the 2022/23 marketing year) are likely to be almost 30% below 2022/23 levels and 45% below 2021/22 level. 

Note that the 2021/22 harvest was an exceptional production year.

Concerning maize, the expected supplies for Ukraine for 2023/24 could be 36% below 2022/23 level and 53% below 2021/22 level.

The issue of storage

During summer 2022, the Ukrainian storage abilities were questioned, as the grain was accumulating and could not be delivered abroad. This issue has strongly decreased since the Black Sea Grain Initiative: actually, the high grain stocks allowed exports estimates to grow while production dropped.

Before the invasion, Ukraine was exporting nearly 80% of its corn crop annually, preventing large year-end stocks. The Russian blockade has forced Ukraine to stockpile: the USDA’s estimate for the 2022-23 corn ending stocks in Ukraine amounts to 6,9 million tonnes, up from 5,1 million the previous year. This is well above the norm, which averages 1,3 million tons. In addition, the stock-to-use for the year is estimated at 27%, compared to 4% before the war.

Concerning wheat, the USDA’s estimate for the 2022-23 wheat ending stocks in Ukraine amounts to 4,2 million tonnes, down from 6,8 million the previous years. Here again, the stock-to-use is well above the average of previous years.

Conclusion

The mechanisms set by the European Union and the United Nations have served their purpose in allowing the export of more than 54 millions tonnes of Ukrainian grain. However, the future of the Black Sea Grain Initiative – which has resulted in the export of 25 millions tonnes since August – is conditional on the goodwill of a Russia determined to use it as a leverage to negotiate an easing of Western sanctions toward it. 

Moreover, the disturbances created by the war are not limited to the Russian blockade. The harvest of 2022 benefited from the pre-war sowings and was therefore moderately affected by the events, but it will not be the same for future crops. The important stock gathered in 2022 mitigated the gap in the 2022/23 campaign as well. 

However, due to the direct and indirect effects of the war, production is expected to decline by 35 to 40 million tons in 2023, with shortfalls of 12 to 15 million tons of wheat and of 15 to 17 million tons of corn. The important stock gathered in 2022 mitigated the gap in the 2022/23 campaign, but in 2023/24 the fall of the production will inevitably affect the international market.

Lastly, with regard to the impact of the Ukrainian products on Eastern European markets, the recently proposed aid package by the Commission may alleviate the pressure for the local farmers. However, the encountered difficulties will remain in these countries, as they are symptomatic of a lack of investment in their infrastructures. It will therefore be crucial for them to be able to invest more in their storage capacities and in the performance of their supply lines on top of the already existing challenge of those countries to develop new outlets for their cereals in their own country, notably based on bio and circular economy


Sources

Institutionnal:
Ministry of Agrarian Policy and Food of Ukraine- Export of Agriproduct 
United Nations- Vessel Movements – Black Sea Grain Initiative
OCHA- Black Sea Grain Initiative Vessel Movements – Humanitarian Data Exchange
Council of the European union – Food for the world
USDA- Report Name:Grain Update December 2022
USDA- Ukraine’s wheat and corn exports recover under Black Sea Grain Initiative
USDA- Report Name: Grain and Feed Annual 
USDA- Ukraine Agricultural Production and Trade 

Newspaper:
POLITICO- Who’s feeding the world? We are, say both Ukraine and Russia, as war rages on POLITICO- Ukraine and UN call for Black Sea grain deal extension 
La France Agricole- Les exploitations ukrainiennes « devant un mur -»  
EURACTIV- Commission opens solidarity lanes to strengthen eu-Ukraine food export  
CNBC- Ukraine Black Sea grain deal extended for at least 60 days
Reuters- Column: Ukraine corn crop plunge balanced by huge stocks, aiding exports for now
Reuters- Column: More to Ukraine’s recent grain export success than meets the eye
IICA- Ukraine one year later: Impacts on global food security | IICA Blog

Innovation: the UK moves forward on precision breeding techniques

While the EU is waiting for the European Commission to publish its proposal on the legal framework for new genomic techniques (NGTs) next June 7, in the UK last March 23 the Genetic Technology (Precision Breeding) Act was passed after a process of about a year.  

Precision breeding involves using technologies such as gene editing to adapt the genetic code of organisms-creating beneficial traits in plants that, through traditional breeding, would take decades to achieve.

The Act emphasizes how these techniques will increase the sustainability of agriculture in the UK, for example, with drought- and disease-resistant crops, reduce the use of fertilizers and pesticides, and help to breed animals protected from contracting harmful diseases.

Under the provisions of this Act, a new simplified, science-based regulatory system will be introduced to facilitate research and innovation in precision breeding, while stricter regulations for genetically modified organisms (GMOs) will remain in place.

Unlike the European Commission’s intention, which is to limit its proposal to cisgenesis and targeted mutagenesis only for plants, the UK Genetic Technology (Precision Breeding) Act covers both plants and precision-bred animals developed through techniques such as gene editing. The key element emphasized by the law is that, unlike GMOs, these techniques produce genetic changes that could have occurred through traditional breeding or that occur naturally.

The law passed is not the end of the process. The law itself provides a framework for more detailed implementing rules that will be introduced through secondary legislation in the coming months, to ensure measures that are proportionate to the scientific evidence of risk and similar to those currently applied to conventionally bred plant varieties.

The law includes the following elements :

– Exclude plants and animals produced through precision breeding technologies from the GMO (Genetically Modified Organisms) legislation.

-Introduce two reporting systems: one for precision organisms used for research purposes and the other for commercialization. The information collected will be published on a public register.

-Establish a proportionate regulatory system for precision-bred animals to ensure that animal welfare is safeguarded.

-Establish a new science-based approval process for food and feed derived from the use of precision-bred plants and animals.

At this stage (March 2023), the UK FSA (*) doesn’t “envisage that additional traceability requirement beyond those in General Food Law will be necessary.  However, further work will be undertaken as we develop policy to understand the trade and enforcement aspects, including how the Windsor Framework and UKIMA will operate in practical terms.

The Bill provides as well discretionary power for ministers to make regulations to require the FSA to establish and maintain a public register of information relating to precision-bred organisms (PBOs) authorized for use as food/feed in England. FSA underlines that a register could include, for example, information about the type and nature of the authorized PBO, any unique reference/identifier it has been given, links to the published scientific risk assessment, legislation by which the product has been authorized, etc. FSA’s consumer research indicates that consumers supported the idea of a register of PBOs.

(*) https://www.food.gov.uk/board-papers/the-genetic-technology-precision-breeding-bill-consumer-information-traceability-and-developing-other-elements-of-the-new#section-2-traceability

School schemes : time to strengthen educational measures

The school schemes for food procurement are a European initiative whose aim is to improve the quality and the variety of nutritional intake for children in school age. They represent one branch of the preventive arm of the more general approach of the EU in its health policies by educating the next generation to healthy and balanced diets, the care of the self, and to the cultural value of food. Or, at least, they could.

Today the the COMAGRI Committee voted on the INI report on the European Milk and School Fruit and Vegetables Programmes.

Farm Europe welcomes the position taken by COMAGRI to focus on the issues of increasing awareness and education, making the scheme available to more children, addressing the issue of allergies, and maintaining support for traditional foods, including milk and dairy products, rather than imitations.

As analysed by Farm Europe, in order to improve the implementation and efficacy of the programs, the following actions should be taken :

  • Improve inclusiveness: the programs can only be effective if they reach out to a maximum of children enrolled in schools. At the end of the day, the aim of the programs in this sense should be to include 100% of children who attend school for educational course and for the additional activities (cooking classes, farm visits, food tasting, etc.). Furthermore, free procurement of F&V, milk and dairy to children coming from weak socio-economic situation (two firsts’ quintiles) should be considered, as the current schemes allow MS to decide whether families should partly compensate for the costs.
  • A truly effective coordination amongst the actors involved in the programs (schools, families, State, producers and other actors of the food supply chain) shall be implemented to effectively assure coherence and facilitate exchanges within the organisation of both the procurement and the educational measures.
  • Even the financing amongst states: funds should be re-calibrated based on the actual nutritional needs of pupils in member states, considering as well the socio-economic background and focus their action where most needed.
  • Give more importance to educational -accompanying- measures: it is indeed necessary to dedicate more efforts to the educational measures, within the framework of informing pupils about diets and lifestyle that should be balanced, and include the balanced use of different raw, or minimally processed, ingredients during cooking. This approach, with increased educational training, might also target and reduce the plague of food waste in school canteens, which is estimated to be around 19,3Kg per student per school year.
  • Consider holistic approach:
    • To focus on all children at school, from elementary schools (and pre-schools) to 15 years old.
    • To include in the financing of the program activities that cover cooking classes, multidisciplinary courses on nutrition (link to biology, seasonality, philosophy, medicine, art, etc.).
    • To give more concrete support to the actors ‘on the field’, responsible for the actual implementation of these programs (teachers, canteen personnel, chefs, dieticians, etc.).
    • To accompany communication campaigns all along the school year, nudging students towards reconfirmation and strengthening of the messages learnt during class hours.
    • To ban ultra-processed foods and competitive food from school environments and to focus on natural and traditionnal foods, including in order to answer adequately to the problem of allergens and to refuse any attempt to include imitation or synthetic food.
  • To incentive the development of tasty foods offered in canteens: the nutritionally balanced meal should be kept as the priority of public procurement, but taste and pleasure are just as fundamental parts of eating as food.
  • To reduce national administration burdens for educational institutes, providers of food, local administrations, notably by strengthening their digitalisation.
  •  To cover the totality of local ingredients and products during cooking classes, tasting activities, canteen menus.
  • To provide a mechanism that allows schools to receive fruit and vegetables from local farmers (and, in general, local supply chain) in the closest proximity. Moreover, it is necessary to develop a close relationship between local farmers, who represent an important resource also in terms of knowledge for the area, and the children, who are the citizens of the future, together with actors of local food supply chains.

Lastly, the issue of funding will have to be tackled if the aim is to have efficient procurement programmes delivering truly. EU financing support should be defined as to be a true lever of mobilisation of national support (public and/or private) to reach an overall budget of € 2.7 billions per year benefiting all the 67 million of European children.

NGTS AS A LEVER OF THE EU GREEN DEAL: FEBRUARY

The CJEU’s decision on excluding specific in-vitro from the OGM regulation sparked contrasting reactions from multiple associations. The eight-year-long debate’s verdict comes as the EC works to define specific rules on NGTs, fueling the debate amongst NGOs.

Outside the UE, the US are expecting higher investments on the NTGs studies to boost up their competitivity, while Asia, Africa, and Latin America are starting to authorize the commercialization of GM products.

Full note available at Farm Europe’s Members site

FEBRUARY BRINGS WINE ANNOUNCEMENTS

In February, France has made some long-awaited announcements featuring an approval of 160 million € for a cyclical distillation of wines, and other support measures for the sector. In the meantime, Italy’s wine exports are still dominating and Spain has had its Barcelona Wine Week with Minister Luis Planas. Finally, the WTO has received the Irish labeling draft initiative, which several Member States are unsatisfied with and believe will cause ruptures in the EU’s single market.

Full note available at Farm Europe’s Members site

EU-New Zealand trade agreement : contradictory impact assessments  

Ahead of the negotiation in 2020, the European Commission (DG Trade) published a “Trade Sustainability Impact Assessment in support of FTA negotiations between the European Union and New Zealand – Final Report”, with a focus on agriculture which is worth recalling and re-assessing as the trade agenda move up on the priorities. 

The Report analyses two scenarios, one called conservative where agriculture tariffs are left untouched, and the other called ambitious where also agriculture trade is liberalized. We have focused on the latter, as the conservative scenario was not pursued in the negotiations. We will qualify the results however, as some sectors will still be subject to TRQs instead of full liberalization.

As background data, the Report recalls that “Trade in agricultural products is important in the EU-NZ trading relationship. Agricultural products comprised 10.8 percent of the EU’s total exports to New Zealand in 2018 (€ 616 million) and 70.0 percent of the EU’s total imports from New Zealand (€ 2.43 billion). The EU in particular imported meat, edible fruits, beverages, spirits and vinegar from New Zealand in 2018. The EU’s large trade deficit with New Zealand in agricultural products comes despite the relatively high EU import tariffs in this sector.”

With regard to the assessment of the overall impact of the FTA, the Report notes that “Ecorys (2009) conducted a study on the impact of FTAs in the OECD, specifically focusing on an EU-NZ and EU-AUS FTA, an EU-US FTA, and an EU-Japan FTA. The results of a possible EU-NZ FTA showed that it would entail an estimated increase of 4.3 percent in exports for New Zealand and an increase of 0.2 percent in exports for the EU.” Or to put it bluntly, NZ would capture all the gains of the FTA.

However the DG Trade IA finds that EU exports would grow 32% versus 28.5% for NZ exports, totally reversing the findings of Ecorys for the OECD. We find it quite surprising, as NZ tariffs are already amongst the lowest in the world and as NZ has so many FTAs around the globe. EU exports already face low tariff barriers, and will face stiff competition from other exporters already present in the NZ market. 

Turning to agriculture, in the ambitious scenario the largest gains for New Zealand’s exports to the EU are seen in agriculture (dairy  €466 million, beef and sheep meat €356 million, vegetables, fruits & nuts and other food).

EU exports gains to NZ are minor: other food €33 million, dairy €27 million, other meat €20 million.

As a result of the FTA, the EU experiences production declines in beef and sheep meat (-1.4 %) and fruits and vegetables (-0.2 %).

The Report also examines in more detail the consequences in two sectors – ruminant meat and dairy.

Ruminant meat sector

As background the Report notes that “In 2017, the average applied tariff on ruminant meat in the EU for imports from New Zealand was 39.3 percent, compared to 24.5 percent for imports from the rest of the world. In contrast, New Zealand has an applied tariff rate of only 0.3 percent on ruminant meat imports from the EU.”

New Zealand enjoys “comparatively favorable conditions of access to the EU market” for sheep meat, thanks mainly to a zero duty country-specific quota (TRQ) of 228,254 tonnes carcass weight equivalent (c.w.e.) of sheep meat (and goat meat). For beef, according to the WTO tariff data base, EU TRQs for which New Zealand is eligible are open to all other WTO Members, namely a frozen beef quota of 53,000 tonnes with an in-quota tariff rate of 20 percent, and a processing beef quota of 63,703 tons with an in-quota rate of between 20 percent and 20 percent plus €994.5/ton – €2,138.4/ton, depending on the product. These quotas “tend to be dominated by lower cost suppliers (for example from South America)”. Another quota for hormone free and “grain-fed high-quality beef” (HQB), established as a “collateral” result of the WTO dispute on beef hormones, is also accessible to the US, Canada, Australia, Uruguay and Argentina. Within this HQB quota, New Zealand can supply a country-specific quota of 1,300 tonnes p.w. New Zealand (and Australia) supply 94 percent of the EU’s sheep meat and goat meat imports, mostly through their preferential TRQs.”

For the EU, total output of ruminant meat is estimated to decline by 1.4 % under the ambitious liberalisation scenario, compared to a no change scenario. In contrast, for New Zealand, the corresponding estimated percentage change in total output of ruminant meat is positive 4.1 %.

The real impact might however be lower as full liberalization will not be achieved, and new TRQs will instead apply.

Dairy

As background the Report notes that “In 2017, the average applied tariff rate on dairy products in the EU on New Zealand’s exports was 54.6 percent. This is higher than the 41.5 percent the EU levies on imports from the rest of the world. In contrast, New Zealand has an applied tariff rate of 2 percent on dairy imports from the EU. Tariffs between 3 percent and 5 percent are applied on milk and cream and several processed milk products such as yoghurt, buttermilk, but also whey and milk powder products. A 7.7 percent tariff is applied on a range of cheese products, while other processed milk products imports face ad valorem zero tariffs.”

“As concerns EU tariffs and quotas, New Zealand benefits from a large number of Tariff Rate Quotas (TRQs), which the EU opens for all supplier countries (“erga omnes”) or to New Zealand only (either “traditional suppliers” or “new suppliers”). Preferential import quota allocations for the year 2017 are for eight TRQs erga omnes, totaling 83,241 tons, while four large TRQs are reserved for New Zealand (for cheeses and butter), totaling 85,693 tons.”

For the EU, total output of dairy is estimated to fall by 0.1 %. For New Zealand, in contrast, the estimated percentage change in total dairy output is +0.5 %.

The Report adds that “It goes without saying that an even bigger trade gain would result under an ambitious scenario whereby the EU would return to a single tariff border protection by abolishing the TRQ for countries like New Zealand.”

As possible remedies to the negative impacts of the FTA in these sectors the Report offers: “… there would be a need to monitor situation in certain Member States or regions which, due to a higher share of non-dairying cattle farming in economic activity and employment (e.g. in Ireland), may potentially be more affected (in particular if effects of more new FTAs cumulate).”

These conclusions do not offer adequate visibility and do not match the strategic dimension of the agricultural sector. At a time where securing food sovereignty is high on the European agenda, such a move forward in the trade agenda and treatment of the agricultural sector will not be understood by the EU agriculture community, and rightly so.

The  Green Deal Industrial Plan : agriculture must be prioritised via a truly EU wide scheme

The European Commission presented a Communication on “A Green Deal Industrial Plan for the Net-Zero Age”. It also announced that a proposal for a European Sovereignty Fund (ESF) will be made in the context of the review of the Multi-annual financial framework before summer 2023. The Plan and the ESF are meant to be the EU’s response to the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) triggered by the United States, which heavily subsidizes actions against climate change, but also to try coordinating further the European approach after a super-intensive year of state aids in a few Member States, France, and Germany in particular.

The Communication defends furthering support through state aid to all renewable technologies and supporting “innovative advanced biofuels plants”. However, the Communication is mute on supporting the transition towards greener agriculture, contrary to what the US has done in the IRA. Contrary to the US, the Commission ignores an economic sector that is key to achieving a net-zero economy in the EU.

Transition to a greener agriculture

To give the scale of the challenge, having a look at the US approach is needed while at the same time keeping in mind that inflation will seriously undermine the leverage capacity of the Common Agriculture Policy in Europe. Overall, about 85 billion EUR will be missing to keep its economic firepower over the 2021-2027 period in comparison with 2020, which simply means fewer investments, and less capacity to prepare for the future.

On the US side, on top of the usual farm support schemes, approximately $20 billion of IRA funds will support USDA’s conservation. This additional investment will help farmers implement expanded conservation practices that reduce greenhouse gas emissions and increase the storage of carbon in their soil and trees. It brings financial assistance or technical assistance to make the transition.

At a time when the EU’s agriculture already has a serious investment lag vis-à-vis the US on new technologies and processes that reduce emissions and the use of inputs, this further investment package will widen the sustainability and competitiveness gap. The Commission proposals under the Green Deal aim at very ambitious targets for the reduction of input use, and the agriculture sector is also tasked to reduce emissions and increase the capture of carbon. But at this stage, this approach is not accompanied by any significant investment scheme.

That lag will get wider with the IRA, creating a growing unbalance between agriculture on both sides of the Atlantic, and undermining the leadership of the EU when it comes to green and competitive farming technologies. Without any further actions, climate and environmental targets will be compromised, and the competitiveness of the EU’s agriculture would suffer as well. Other than climate change and the environment, the EU’s food security and food sovereignty would be challenged as the energy price gap will continue eroding EU competitiveness.

Transition to green energy

The IRA also provides a $14 billion investment in helping farms and rural electric co-ops transition to clean energy. On top of the current incentives and mandates, the IRA invests an additional $500 million to expand biofuel infrastructure, and broaden the availability of renewable fuels like E15, E85, and B20. In addition to that it extends tax credits for biodiesel and sustainable aviation fuel (SAF).

EU green industries, such as producing sustainable biofuels, already face severe headwinds when competing with the US and other key producers, in particular, due to much higher energy costs. EU production of biofuels is by far the main contributor to decarbonizing the transport sector. The higher GHG reduction targets proposed by the Commission, under discussion by the co-legislators, will contribute to all sustainable biofuels a fundamental building block to achieve those goals.

If the current competitive disadvantages persist, on top of the new US IRA subsidies, it will be inevitable that well-needed new investments will cross the Atlantic, and existing EU operations will struggle to survive. EU biofuel demand for transport decarbonization would be provided for by imports from the US, and other main producers, to the detriment of EU-based industries.

The Green Deal Industrial Plan and the ESF should aim at putting EU sectors that are key to fighting climate change, like sustainable biofuel production without exception, on an equal footing with the US. Failure to do so would kill new investments in the EU, and compromise the EU’s ambitious targets for GHG reductions, carbon capture, and environmental protection.

At least €40 billion EU fund needed for investments in agri-food systems 

The Green Deal Industrial Plan and the ESF must foresee an additional package dedicated to supporting investments in agriculture in new technologies and processes that reduce emissions and input use. They must also create the right incentives to increase carbon capture, alongside carbon savings, and to produce clean energy. Overall, a surge in the investment capacity of the CAP will be needed not later than during the 2023-2025 period for Europe to stay in the game, on course to achieve its green ambition, secure a dynamic agri-food sector in Europe, and avoid an investment drain for the green economy on the other side of the Atlantic.

At least 40 billion EUR must be mobilized at the EU level, rather than only via State Aids that are certainly needed, but that risk generating a multi-speed Europe undermining the internal market. This fund must be complemented by a stable and pragmatic regulatory framework providing visibility to economic actors at a time when a major demographic challenge is looming in the farm sector and when economic actors need clear signals.

WINTER WINE NEWS

December confirmed a record export for Italian wine, an extended freeze on alcohol duties in the UK and state aid for Cypriot wine producers. Meanwhile, the Commission reports in its forward-looking analyses that wine production is “likely to be challenged and changed in the future”. For 2022/23, all analysts predict a vintage of very good quality.

Whereas, in (dry) January, Ireland has sparkled the conflict on wine labeling once again with its plan to display “alcohol-related dangers” on its alcoholic beverages, facing a strong resistance by other Member States and industrial organizations. In the meantime the Commission has confirmed that it has been working on labeling on its own, while the new crop insurance has taken effect in France for the vines.


Full note available at Farm Europe’s Members site

NUTRITION & HEALTH : Imitation meat debuts in the USA

In November, the US Food & Drugs Administration, the public office responsible for food safety, approved the first step that opens the door to commercialization to an imitation of ‘chicken’ produced in the lab by UPSIDE Food. At the same time, ingredient-provider start up is proposing to replace bees with bioreactors and precision-fermentation to supply the honey of the future. A study that was published analyzing the change in diets (based on fewer animal-based products) confirms that it could lead to a resurge of iodine deficiency disorders, with potential long-lasting impact on brain development.  

More delays expected for the front-of-pack nutritional labelling dossier: in fact, even if the Commission was expected to start discussing draft legislation under the Czech Presidency of the Council, during several public events, it announced that the dossier still needs further analysis, and an impact assessment is undergoing. Probably, it will be the Swedish Presidency that will have to handle this file … if the Commission proposed a draft in the next six months. 

New literature finds that industrial products that aim to imitate meat contain ‘anti-nutrients’, that do not allow the body to correctly absorb specific nutrients such as iron and zinc.  

full note available on FE Members’ area

FARM TO FORK STRATEGY: Member States call for a new revision of SUR

November was marked by the Commission communication on fertilizers whose aim is to face the consequences of the skyrocketing prices for this agricultural input for farmers. 

On the legislative dossiers, the revision of the sustainable use of pesticides has also been affected by the current crisis and the consequences of the Russian aggression to Ukraine, having an important group of member States calling for the Commission to reconsider its proposal and demanding a new Impact Assessment that considers the new situation. Mid-December, the Council adopted a formal decision asking the Commission to improve its impact assessment within a maximum period of 6 months. 

The Commission also advanced ideas on the Carbon certification dossier, specifying that this certification will be granted to farms that put into practice activities that have neutral or positive impact on the environment, create a net gain in CO2 presence in the atmosphere, are additional, aim to be long-term, and are monitored.  

Over the month of December, animal welfare standards have been discussed at the EU level. The EU ministers informally find an agreement on the fact that if higher standards will be applied to animals raised in the EU, so will the ones be coming from third countries (‘mirror clauses’). To set the basis for the revision of the EU legislation on the matter, the Commission presented an evaluation of the current law, concluding that the current set-up does not allow to meet current and future needs.  

December also marked a provisional institutional agreement over deforestation law. Once adopted and applied, the new law will ensure that a set of key goods placed on the EU market will no longer contribute to deforestation and forest degradation.

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