Building a Strategic Roadmap for Agriculture at a Crossroads

European agriculture is facing a triple performance challenge:

  • Regaining economic competitiveness, which has declined for over two decades, and addressing the crisis of new farm business;
  • Achieving an ecological transition that benefits both agriculture and European society as a whole;
  • Addressing the social challenge, providing a balanced, high-quality diet for all Europeans, but also enhancing the value of agricultural occupations and the strong link between farming activities and the dynamics of rural areas.

Attempting to tackle these challenges only partially while neglecting the others will inevitably lead the European Union to a dead end.

In this respect, the Draghi report is very clear, backed up by in-depth analyses:

  • The European Union will not be able to achieve a successful transition of its economy and remain a major world player if it does not at the same time address its competitiveness, and if this does not become a priority. This also applies to the agricultural economy.
  • The Draghi report stresses the need to significantly increase investment in the economy in order to boost competitiveness and meet the challenges of climate change. This also applies to agriculture.
  • The Draghi report calls for a genuine simplification of regulations to reduce costs and remove obstacles to economic development. This also applies to agriculture.

These aspects emerge as the main weaknesses of the conclusions of the Strategic Dialogue launched by the European Commission in response to farmers’ protests:

  • None of the three key findings of the Draghi report are really developed into proposals for effective action. The conclusions do not provide any quantified analysis of the situation of agriculture or of European sovereignty in its various dimensions (economic, environmental, social, bio-economy).
  • Although the discussions taking place within the Strategic Dialogue were supposed to renew the dialogue between the various parties involved, in the end it mainly concerns the people selected intuitu personae and falls back on the shortcomings of the Farm to Fork strategy.
  • The conclusions push for a reorientation of CAP resources towards greater environmental ambitions, without seriously addressing the economic ambition that is nonetheless essential to this transition.
  • They call for a fund to be set up outside the CAP, the creation of which is subject to debate at a time when the European priorities – defence in particular – still lack adequate financing. Instead, we suggest maintaining the ambition of an integrated CAP, which would be able to meet all the challenges in a coherent and simple way for farmers.
  • While the report calls for more innovation, it does not specify the means to make it a reality in agriculture. On the other hand, it stresses the need to deal more effectively with climate and market risks and crises, and takes up the European Parliament’s 2019 proposal to overhaul the agricultural crisis reserve to turn it into a reinsurance tool for climate insurance and mutual funds for managing such risks.

The previous Commission’s proposal to implement the Green Deal in the agricultural sector focused above all on achieving environmental objectives by imposing standards and constraints, without managing to combine this approach with the pursuit of profitability in agriculture or real incentives.

This imbalance is compounded by a CAP whose resources are in substantial decline: as a result of inflation, the economic value of CAP subsidies has fallen by 30% in 20 years, and by 18% over the period 2021-2027, while the promise of a move upmarket on European markets never became reality. Price remains the main factor in consumer purchasing decisions, and the current economic crisis is unlikely to reverse this trend in the medium term.

Despite these considerations, the objective to reinforce European sovereignty through its agriculture remains an imperative.

This will only be possible if European policies are rooted in reality and prioritise concrete means of progress over prescriptive costs, and if they embody a genuine strategic vision of the real opportunities that this sector has to contribute to the transition of the European economy as a whole.

The EU’s agricultural sovereignty depends on its ability to supply 20 to 25% more biomass by 2050, without which the ecological transition of our economy will not be possible or will be dependent on imports. The European Union would simply be exchanging dependence on fossil fuels for other forms of dependence as is currently the case with the explosion in imports of bio-sourced energies in the absence of any proactive encouragement to produce them in Europe.

Concerning sovereignty in all its dimensions (production, economy, food and nutrition, environment, bio-economy):

  • The European Union remains a leading producer, thanks to the dynamism of Eastern EU countries, which has so far offset the downturn in many EU-15 countries;
  • European consumers have access to quality food, but are spending an ever smaller portion of their income on it;
  • progress on environmental issues (carbon, biodiversity, water, reduction of inputs) was taking place before the Green Deal was put on the table, albeit with differences between countries. It needs to be pursued and achieved through an EU-wide dynamic.
  • On the other hand, the European agriculture has three major weaknesses:
    • Profitability in the agricultural sector has been collapsing for two decades, undermining the ability to invest and plan for the future;
    • The bio-economy is developing but heavily reliant on imports;
    • The EU’s ability to meet global market demand is diminishing, posing a geostrategic risk for both the EU and third-country importers, particularly in Africa and North Africa.

Agriculture should be central to Europe’s priorities in food security, health, environment, energy transition and trade. The EU’s ability to make sovereign decisions about its future depends on maintaining a vision rooted in its shared European culture.

In this context, all European policies must be aligned with the EU’s agricultural policy. The European Commissioner for Agriculture must have the authority not only to oversee but also to co-decide on all matters related to agriculture and agri-food.

In this respect, the key issues to be negotiated between 2025 and 2027 include:

The multi-annual budget and the CAP budget in particular, which should at the very least be re-indexed to inflation;

  • Reforming the CAP to ensure that triple-performance agriculture continues to grow, and that efforts to improve the environment are genuinely rewarded by ensuring consistency between environmental measures and consumer claims;
  • Establish a robust European risk and crisis management strategy through a crisis reserve commensurate with the issues at stake and a truly common approach at European level to the challenges of farm resilience;
  • Revamping environmental initiatives (input management, well-being) as part of a systematic approach combining economic and environmental performance;
  • Developing an incentive-based approach to climate/agricultural carbon policy (sequestration and reduction of emissions, incentive-based mechanisms rather than an initial polluter-pays principle that hinder all progress). ETS must fully recognise the specific characteristics of the agricultural sector by excluding agriculture from the arrangements for polluting industries, and as the Draghi report emphasises, must not exacerbate the costs arising from the difference in environmental ambition with our main competitors;
  • Advancing innovative tools, particularly NGTs;
  • Aligning the taxonomy, an essential element for investment, with the green section of the CAP and rejecting an ideological approach to the CAP;
  • Safeguarding progress on the reciprocity of international trade standards, in particular in regards to the legislation on deforestation. For this, a very limited adjustment should be made to the simplified procedure so that data collection is limited to the origin of the country when the product comes from a low-risk area, to avoid data collection and disproportionate costs.
  • Moving forward decisively in the bioeconomy, exploiting the potential of biorefineries (European sovereignty in the bioeconomy) and bioenergy, but also of all the opportunities that agriculture offers to decarbonise the rest of the economy (construction, textiles, chemicals, energy, etc.). These new demands can be a driving force for the sector’s economic health and its positive contribution to the environmental challenges of the EU economy as a whole, in addition to providing quality food.

Ultimately, the Next European Commission must discard the notion that transitions are inherently bad news for agriculture, and start working seriously on a positive strategy for its agriculture. This will be the only possibility to reinforce the sector’s attractiveness, while also responding to the growing need for agricultural raw materials with a lower environmental impact.

STROHSCHNEIDER REPORT: A MISSED OPPORTUNITY TO GIVE FARM TO FORK A NEW DIRECTION

The Strategic Dialogue group launched by the European Commission has delivered its recommendations after more than six months of work.

Farm Europe welcomed the launch of this initiative, providing an opportunity to address pressing issues and shape a vision for the future of a sector critical to the European Union.

However, the current recommendations of the strategic dialogue group align with previous Commission efforts, highlighting:

  • A largely understated economic section, aside from acknowledging food chain imbalances and suggesting a review of the crisis reserve without detailing its size or risk management integration. It calls for public-private financing and banking involvement, with a focus on training, research, and innovation, but overlooks the need for farm investments. Economic aid should target small farms, young farmers, and areas with natural constraints.
  • A call for significantly enhancing the CAP’s environmental dimension and associated funding distribution.
  • Carbon issues and a potential ETS for agriculture are deferred for future discussion, while European competitiveness remains largely unaddressed.
  • A call for reducing meat consumption in the EU via fiscal tools and financial incentives, with plans for extensification, emission reductions in livestock, and sector downsizing.
  • Observing inconsistencies between European environmental and trade policies, with a hopeful call for future improvements.
  • A suggestion to institutionalize this strategic dialogue group as an advisory board to assess policy coherence, though greater clarity is needed on its role versus the responsibilities of co-legislators and the European Commission’s regulatory authority.

In conclusion, after six months of work, questions remain about how the EU plans to:

  • Leverage its agriculture to facilitate a successful economic transition (which requires over 20% more biomass),
  • Ensure food sovereignty,
  • Guide agriculture toward a balance of economic profitability, sustainability, and social performance for EU territories benefit.

Beyond a reaffirmed commitment to new genomic techniques, do the Strategic Dialogue’s recommendations mark the beginning of a new European chapter for a revitalized triple-performance agriculture? Do they address the urgent concerns raised by farmers across the EU?

The emphasis on resource targeting conveniently skirts the issue of resource allocation size.

The group’s conclusions align with the outgoing Commission’s Farm to Fork approach, leaning toward greater flexibility that approaches renationalizing the CAP.

The critical question remains unanswered: how to construct a policy that prepares for the future rather than preserving the past, without pitting sectors against one another. A successful approach requires sector-specific strategies, moving away from prescriptive constraints that lead to degrowth toward incentives that promote investment and deep modernization across European sectors.

BIODIESEL IMPORTS : ANTI-DUMPING DUTIES WILL NOT STOP FRAUD

Farm Europe welcome the imposition of anti-dumping duties to biodiesel imports from China, recently decided by the European Commission following a complaint by the EBB. Biodiesel imports from China have more than doubled since 2020 to reach close to 2 million tonnes, severely undercutting European prices and harming European producers. We encourage the Commission not to exclude any type of biodiesel from the application of the final duties in order not to create loopholes in the application of the measure.

These anti-dumping duties, albeit welcome, will however not curb fraudulent imports. What is at stake here is the fraudulent labelling of biodiesel as an advanced sustainable biofuel derived from raw materials listed in Annex IX of the Renewable Energy Directive, which benefit from double counting towards the targets established in the Regulation. Those raw materials include UCO (Utilized cooking oils), and some derivatives from palm-oil production like palm-oil mill effluent. But very likely the real raw material used is palm-oil coming from any origin including recently deforested areas. 

The economic benefit to fraudsters is high. Unfortunately, there are no easy chemical tests that could be used by customs to expose the fraud, so it strives unchecked. In the end the EU is not importing sustainable biodiesel, on the contrary it is giving a boost to unsustainable practices including deforestation.

The negative consequences for our domestic industries have been harsh. Plants have shut down, new investments scrapped. 

We therefore urge the Commission to thoroughly address the problem of irregular imports of biodiesel by seriously tackling the missing link: fraud.

The Commission should strengthen the certification of advanced sustainable biofuels by enacting an obligatory ex-ante accreditation of the factories willing to export to the EU. Those factories should be physically inspected, rather than just accepting paper certificates as today. Refusal to accept physical inspections should disqualify those products from being certified. The same practice should apply in case of suspicious practices after the certification took place. The factories or blending terminal need to be physically inspected and the involved companies need to disclose all relevant documents to the inspector. As long as the investigation lasts or in case of a refusal to access the sites or documents, the certificate and related PoS (Proof of Sustainability documents) need to be suspended, at the minimum the eligibility for double counting must be suspended.

The Commission should also suspend the benefit of double counting for the most fraud exposed raw materials to remove the economic incentive; and tide-up the customs codes applicable to improve controls. Voluntary schemes should be suspended vis-à-vis China as long as fraud cannot be excluded and the effective equivalence of control with EU cannot be certified. In addition, the setting up of the working group agreed with Transport ministers on the 30th May to take concrete actions to fight fraud should be launched without further delays. As a matter of principle, all imports should be subject to controls at least equivalent to those imposed on EU similar feedstocks and related products. 

The problem with Chinese imports of biodiesel has two sides: one has been taken care of, the other side begs urgent action. Failure to do so would compromise the outcome.

President Von der Leyen: a promising new beginning to be confirmed by concrete actions 

Agriculture appears six times in the 30-pages programme of the newly appointed President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen. Ms von der Leyen is committed to strengthening the dialogue for “competitive and resilient” agriculture and food systems. Within the first 100 days of her term of office, the Commission’s President undertakes to present a new vision for agriculture and food, in the wake of the strategic dialogue launched at the end of the previous mandate. 

The Commission is willing to correct imbalances in the food chain, protecting farmers from unfair trading practices. “Farmers should not be systematically forced to sell below the cost of production”, she writes, deeming it “vital” that farmers have a fair and sufficient income. An initiative to fight against cross-border unfair trade practices is expected no later than this autumn. Ms von der Leyen pledges to continue defending a European policy for farm incomes, and promises that the next budget for the Common Agricultural Policy will be “targeted and strike the right balance between incentives, investment and regulation”, turning its back on excessive bureaucracy, supporting family farming and rewarding those who work with nature. 

The Green Deal is still there, mentioned four times. “We must stay on course, and we will do so for all our objectives, including those set in the context of the European Green Deal”, she pledge, adding in the direction of international partners that “we must listen more carefully and respond to the concerns of our partners affected by European legislation, in particular those linked to the European Green Deal” in a reference to regulations like the deforestation policy.

Overall, these strategic directions are laying down a positive course for the European agricultural policy. However, this needs to be materialized by concrete and tangible initatives for farmers, which will largely depend on the budgetary discussions that will start at the very beginning of the mandate. 

COMMUNIQUÉ DE PRESSE UNE RECRUE DE POIDS (environ 2,3 kilos) POUR FARM EUROPE

Une annonce qui résonne au cœur des institutions européennes

Bruxelles, 2025 – Farm Europe a le plaisir d’annoncer l’arrivée de Barnabé au sein de son équipe. Son engagement et son dynamisme contribueront à renforcer les travaux du think tank en faveur d’une agriculture européenne plus résiliente et innovante. “Nous sommes ravis d’accueillir Barnabé parmi nous, car c’est clair, il a du flair. Sa présence apporte une nouvelle énergie à notre organisation et nous sommes convaincus qu’il jouera un rôle clé dans nos réflexions et nos actions grâce à son 6e sens”, a déclaré Yves Madre, Président de Farm Europe. Luc Vernet, cofondateur de Farm Europe, a quant à lui tenu à souligner l’impact de son arrivée dans le cercle Bruxellois : “Croquettes à volonté, c’est un signal fort qui est envoyé. Un dossier désormais incontournable sur l’échiquier stratégique européen ». Une nouvelle qui a ravi le nouveau jeune talent de FE : « Waf wouf wif, waf waf ! »
Avec cette nouvelle collaboration, Farm Europe continue d’élargir ses horizons et de rassembler les meilleurs éléments pour répondre aux défis agricoles et canins du monde de demain.
Vous pourrez retrouver le chihuahua le plus côté de Bruxelles au GFF 2025, un guest d’exception pour célébrer les 10 ans de Farm Europe.
À propos de Farm Europe – Farm Europe est un think tank basé à Bruxelles, dédié à l’analyse et à la conception de politiques européennes dans les domaines de l’agriculture et de l’alimentation. Il œuvre pour une agriculture performante, durable et innovante au sein de l’Union européenne.

NGTs: NOBEL LAUREATES CALL FOR REGULATION APPROVAL, EU DEBATES, AND BAVARIAN VOICES RISE

Nobel laureates and scientific coalitions call on the European Parliament to embrace new genomic techniques for climate and food security. Within the EU, debates intensify over proposals to patent gene-edited plant. EP adopted its negotiating position while the Council’s presidency is still anxious to build a majority to adopt its position on NGTs which would open the way to trilogues.

While FAO studies the impact of biotechnologies on small farmers holders, the UK develop disease-resistant bananas.

Farm Europe highlights that EU agriculture sovereignty is still to be built

Today, Farm Europe presents its Sustainable Food Systems Indicator (*) at the opening of the 7th Global Food Forum, in Brussels, in presence of David Clarinval, Vice Prime Minister and minister for Agriculture representing the Belgium Presidency of the Council, Janusz Wojciechowski, European Commissioner for Agriculture, Dacian Ciolos, Member of the European Parliament, former Prime minister and European Commissioner as well as Arnaud Rousseau, President of FNSEA and Ettore Prandini, President Coldiretti. 

This indicator shows that EU agriculture sovereignty is still to be built. It also shows the strengths and weaknesses of every Member States. An analysis of all indicators highlights that, if the EU remains a global power for agriculture, it is also fragile, exposed to geopolitical games, climate risks & dependence on feeds and fertilizers. In addition, the EU is missing the opportunity of the bioeconomy (bioenergy and biomaterials).

The level of interdependency of each Member State within the EU is high. In most EU countries, most of the agricultural economic indicators are in the red : income by hectare decrease by 12% over the last 20 years, the EU lost 37% of its farmers and direct payments decreased by 31%. Overall, consumers and public finances have been the big winners of the EU policies, farmers are the big losers. 

The environmental transitions are on going in all but a handful of Member States, like the Netherlands and Denmark. Together with Finland, Hungary and Lithuania, those 5 countries did not put environment as a priority. Nevertheless, over the last 20 years, emissions dropped by 8% in the agricultural sector, and 20% for the arable crops. The use of the most dangerous phytosanitary products has been reduced by 43% since 2011. 

Over the last 20 years, the weaknesses of EU production and urbanization led to the lost of 10 million hectares. In the meantime, the EU increased its impact on land use outside Europe with 11 million hectares of imported deforestation, in particular due to its dependency on feeds. 

Czech Republic has the highest score, along side France, Romania and Poland, for its capacity to deliver social, environmental and economic sustainability together. In contrast, Finland, Sweden, Cyprus and to a certain extend Germany’s production systems are the most challenged. 

Ireland, the Netherlands and Germany gave the top priority to low prices for consumers. The best environmental dynamics are on going in Greece, Romania, but also Ireland, France and Czech Republic. The economic parameters are less negative than in other countries in Czech Republic, the Netherlands and Romania, while the best production dynamics are on going in Poland and Latvia. Hungaria is the only Member States with real dynamic when it comes to bioeconomy. 

(*) Farm Europe’s sustainability indicator provides an overview of the key parameters of social, economic and environmental sustainability. It is built on 12 situation and trends indicators and provides a consistent picture of the current situation both at EU agriculture and for single Member States. It reflects 20 years of policy choices, as well as climate, social and geopolitical challenges. It is based on structural and economic data sets from International and EU institutions (Eurostat, FADN, FAO, etc.).

New Breeding Techniques : a good news for farmers, tarnished by a request for labelling

With 307 votes in favour 263 against and 41 abstentions the report on the legal framework for New Genomic Techniques (NGT) was approved by the European Parliament. This is good news that will give farmers new tools to adapt to climate change and use less chemicals.

However, the European Parliament voted for a position that differs in many respects from that of the European Commission making it much more cautious towards NGTs. While the Commission basically equated NGT1 with conventional varieties the European Parliament demands that NGT1 must meet sustainability criteria and pass an environmental assessment in order to be placed on the market. In addition Farm Europe regrets that today’s vote calls for imposing labelling not only on reproductive plant material but also on final products containing NGT1.

While the Commission avoided the issue of patents postponing it to a different legislation the Parliament imposes a patent ban on new genomic techniques. On the organic the exclusion of NGTs is confirmed but the Commission is asked for a revision of this decision after 7 years from the entry into force of the regulation. This text will then have to be negotiated with the Council once the 27 Member States agree on a general approach. This afternoon the Belgian presidency at Coreper will try to make progress in this direction.

Production norms: meaning, multiplication as well as red tape issues

One of the causes of farmers’ distress often mentioned in protests in recent days is the excessive bureaucracy they have to deal with to access CAP funds. Farmers feel that Brussels dictates to farmers how to cultivate and raise livestock. This feeling is certainly well-grounded considering recent policy developments both at EU and national levels. There are many reasons for this, but not all of them can be blamed on the CAP as such, and all of them call for real political will to be overcome.

First of all, it should be pointed out that, of course, the European budget for the Common Agricultural Policy is very significant. Therefore, it requires appropriate controls and guarantees to ensure responsible use of public money and to minimise the risk of fraud. Each European fund requires management and control costs, and those of the CAP are no higher than those of other European funds. For the administrative bodies, total annual administrative costs are estimated at around 3% of the CAP budget. For farmers, the share of administrative costs corresponds to around 2% of internal costs.

However, it’s also true that the last CAP reform increased bureaucracy with the introduction of green measures – particularly when it comes to the compliance with the definitions of Ecological Focused Areas (EFAs). For Member State administrations, this is main lever for the increased costs of complying with control requirements and mapping these areas. For farmers, this is linked to the correct declaration of EFAs (length of declaration, location and accuracy of dimensions) and to the increased number of auditing checks on farms.

This increasing complexity has accelerated with the latest reform of the Common Agricultural Policy. The eco-regimes introduced since 2023 are not simply a recognition of the environmental benefits of certain agricultural practices. They also entail adaptation costs, some of them substantial. This trend is made all the more difficult for farmers by the fact that CAP funds have shrunk in real economic terms: between 2003 and 2023, the European CAP envelope lost 40% of its value.

Weaker funding, harder to collect

With regard to the current CAP, which came into force on January 1, 2023, it is of course too early to quantify the impact on the bureaucratic burden for farmers. It’s normal that an implementation phase generates a considerable adjustment period. While, for administrations, the introduction of eco-regimes and the tightening of cross-compliance requirements have certainly represented a considerable increase in bureaucracy, at least in the initial phase, for farmers, the constant change of rules is in itself a major problem, associated with permanent stress that explains at least part of farmers’ resentment of the bureaucratic burden. For them, the additional administrative demands are real and lasting if nothing is done to lighten the load.

In addition, the bureaucracy that farmers have to deal with is not only linked to the European aspect of the CAP; in certain cases, it is a question of national requirements which are added by choice of the Member State to the conditions to be met in order to receive European funds. This trend has been reinforced under the New Delivery Model of the CAP. A significant share of the rules are under the responsibility of the Member States themselves, as part of their strategic plans, approved by the Euroepan Commission, but drafted at national level.

Given that national authorities manage CAP payments, it is no possible for farmers to distinguish between European and local administrative requirements. The level of implementation and the different Member States’ governance (centralized or regional) make bureaucratic demands on farmers unequal across the EU. However, one conclusion can already be drawn: transferring rules to Member State level is no guarantee of simplification, and it comes with a detrimental collateral effect, by undermining the level playing field on the internal market, generating unfair competition from one country to another.

All considered, there are concrete solutions to simplify this framework, and Farm Europe suggested some of them already in 2019.

  • In order to substantially simplify the administrative burdens of the CAP and national strategic plans, it is feasible to limit rules and associated audits to the most ambitious ones. When a farmer implements an eco-scheme, which is by nature more ambitious and more effective than the basic requirement (cross compliance) associated with direct payments, it should be considered that his efforts is higher than the cross-compliance rules by definition. As a consequence he should no longer be audited for the cross compliance itself. This would be an automatic equivalence measure, guaranteeing considerable simplification without any loss of ambition of the CAP. On the contrary, it would reinforce the attractiveness of eco-schemes, and thus support farmers in positive transitional steps.
  • In addition, a working group should be set up within the Council, made up by agricultural experts from each member state to ensure that the rules for implementing the Common Agricultural Policy are as simple as possible, and that they do not generate distortions of competition. In this respect, structured exchanges of best practices between member states should be encouraged, in order to ensure that each of the cross-compliance rules is subject to an equivalent level of ambition, consistent with the diversity of agronomic situations.
  • Finally, as part of the current debate on simplification of the rules, Member States should be allowed to revise their national strategic plans with a view to simplifying eligibility conditions as early as 2024. The European Commission should undertake to approve these revised national strategic plans as soon as possible.

In any case, it is more the meaning of the measures, the multiplication of rules, sometimes contradictory, than the administrative problems as such that seem to pose the problem.

Pursuing administrative simplification and streamlining

For a sample of farmers surveyed as part of the European Commission’s study (1), the median time spent on CAP-related administrative activities is 15 hours per year. This figure includes all time spent on administrative activities by the farmer, potential family members or paid workers. But this time varies considerably if we take farmers from different member states.

The possibility to rely on external assistance also has a significant impact on the time farmers spend on paperwork. In the same sample, 43% of farmers used external assistance (payed) for aid-related administrative tasks. This help is often provided by cooperatives or professional organizations and, to a lesser extent, by banks or other service providers. These services are often covered by cooperative membership fees or included in bank charges. Recourse to this solution is more widespread in Italy, Spain and Sweden, where requests for help are rarely made internally. By contrast, less than 30% of farmers surveyed in Malta, France, the Netherlands, Germany and Estonia do so.

The level of digitalization in the various member states also has a major impact on the simplification of paperwork – since the last reform, the digitization of procedures has been widespread. Automation, digitization and the use of new technologies for CAP management and controls should not only create benefits for the future, but have already proven to do so.

This study mentioned above estimates that the costs incurred by administrations for greening represent one of the main items of expenditure in the management and control of direct payments. However, the situation varies greatly from one Member State to another, with smaller Member States incurring higher costs than larger ones. For farms, the situation also varies according to labor costs in the different Member States. Indeed, processing applications and carrying out on-the-spot checks requires significant labor costs.

The EAFRD (Rural Development Fund) is a fund with a relatively high administrative burden due to the type, size, variety and conditionality of its interventions. Errors add an extra burden and cost for farmers and businesses, as well as for public administrations. When such errors occur, additional clarifications and data exchanges are required.

In 2017, the Omnibus Regulation already included a proposal to further simplify the four CAP regulations for the benefit of farmers and national authorities. However, it is necessary to do more.

Proposals:

  • Working on the meaning of the rules and the coherence between them
  • Considering farmers automatically eligible for basic cross-compliance rules as soon as they enter more ambitious programs (eco-regimes).
  • Preserving competition on the internal market by avoiding national rules that put farmers in one country at a disadvantage compared to another, by setting up a working group within the Council involving the farming world and the institutions.
  • Opening up the possibility for all member states to simplify the rules initially put in place in national strategic plans as of 2024.